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A Palestinian Christian’s Reflection on the War in Gaza

November 20, 2024

Ever since October 6, 2023, the world has been watching the plight of the Israeli hostages, the war in Gaza, and the expansion of violence in the West Bank and Lebanon. The daily news is overwhelming, and it is difficult to keep the many events and developments in perspective. In the attached paper, Johnathan Kuttab looks back over the past year and provides a careful and thought-provoking analysis of all that has taken place.

Jonathan Kuttab is a Palestinian Christian and well-known international human rights lawyer who practices in the US, Palestine, and Israel. He is a co-founder of Al-Haq, a Palestinian human rights group, and co-founder of Nonviolence International. He also serves on the boards of Bethlehem Bible College and Holy Land Trust.

Reflections on October 6, 7 and 8

by Jonathan Kuttab

Part 1: Gaza’s Situation on October 6, 2023

US and Israeli media and politicians often speak as if Hamas carried out an unprovoked attack on October 7, which started the current round of hostilities. The reasoning goes that since Hamas started this round, it is responsible for its consequences, no matter how horrible. Israeli actions are seen as a “response”, and we are often asked “How else should Israel have responded? What would you have them do?”

But we first must ask: what was the situation on October 6?

On October 6, Gaza, a small area about 22 miles long and between 5 and 8 miles wide, was packed with 2.3 million Palestinians, two-thirds of whom were refugees and survivors of the 1948 Nakba. Israel was imposing a severe siege on the whole strip (with cooperation from Egypt on the southern border) whereby no people or goods could enter or leave the strip without Israeli approval.

Israel had managed to continue the occupation of Gaza after it withdrew its settlers in 2005, without being physically “on the ground,” except for occasional forays. It controlled the area from the air, sea, and by managing all entrances. This situation mirrored the West Bank, where Israel is still the occupier, but where it has subcontracted internal affairs of the major city centers to the Palestinian Authority, under severe restriction. So too had Israel “subcontracted” internal control of Gaza to Hamas while maintaining external control, frequently invading the area with bombardment and “mowing the lawn” operations. 

On October 6, Israel continued to dominate the Gaza strip, with its currency, population register, customs controls, and regime of restrictions. Postal, communications, internet, and fuel services were also strictly under Israel’s control. It doled out permits for all services into and out of Gaza including fuel, medical supplies, entry and export of food materials, and all other needed goods and services through a system of extortionist Israeli middlemen.  

The short list of goods that Israel permitted to enter Gaza excluded not only “dual function goods” that could serve military as well as civilian uses (such as steel bars and cement), but also innocuous materials such as glass, chocolate, all but one form of pasta and spaghetti, etc. Often the list showed caprice and nastiness, and it seemed to have no logic behind it other than Israel's desire to assert power and control. Fishing, which the Oslo Agreement allowed up to 12 miles out, was also strictly restricted, usually to 6 or 3 miles, and it was often banned altogether.

The de-development of the Gaza strip was so severe that most of its residents were dependent on relief and supplies from UNRWA (the United Nations Relief and Works Agency), whose supplies were also carefully monitored and often delayed or restricted at Israel’s whim. It was commonly known that Gaza was the world’s largest open-air prison, and in 2012 the United Nations announced that Gaza would be unlivable by 2020. 

For its part, Hamas tried to join a political process. It changed its charter to be more moderate, announced repeatedly that it would be willing to accept a long-term “hudna” (ceasefire) with Israel, and expressed openness to accept a two-state solution accepted by the majority of Palestinians in an open election. It also supported the brave civil society initiative known as the March of Return, a nonviolent action that was met with brutal savagery as Israeli snipers killed and maimed hundreds of Palestinian unarmed protesters while the world stood silently by.

Attempts were also made to create a joint Fatah-Hamas front and to end the divisions preventing Palestinians from negotiating with one voice, but these efforts failed. Both Hamas and Fatah blamed each other for this, but the US and Israel made it clear they would not allow an end to the schism. Netanyahu openly told Mahmoud Abbas that there would be no relations and negotiations with them, if they made peace with Hamas.

As if all this was not enough, Netanyahu was continuously tightening the noose, placing more and more restrictions on Gaza, such as limiting the availability of electricity to a few hours a day through controlling the amount of fuel allowed into its one electricity company. 

The Israeli government, dominated by right wing parties was also busy with its own problems from the corruption charges, to the unprecedented street protests, and was also infected with enormous hubris regarding its economic, political, and military superiority over its neighbors. It was not in any mood to offer anything but more restrictions to the people of Gaza.  The Gaza strip was a pressure cooker, so it was no surprise that, eventually it exploded. 

To understand what happened on October 7, we need to be cognizant of the reality that existed in Gaza on October 6. The prison camp of Gaza was totally unlivable and unacceptable, and it had to end. The world, however, including those concerned with peace and justice, had somehow forgotten about Gaza and neglected its people.

There is much to criticize about Hamas, but one cannot blame them for preparing to fight their enemies and tormentors, or for attempting to break out of their open-air prison. On October 6, the situation in Gaza was truly degrading and intolerable, and the world seemed not to listen or care. Something had to be done to bring the plight of Gaza back into consideration, and October 7 was Hamas’ answer. In many ways it was inevitable.

Part 2: What Actually Happened on October 7?

When coming to an understanding of the events of October 7, we must ask: what actually happened on that fateful day?

This question is important because of the prevailing political and media narratives. These narratives claim that what Hamas did on that day, apart from being unprovoked, was so heinous and evil that it excused everything that happened next. This allows politicians to claim that the evil of Israel’s genocidal attacks was only a “response” and that blame should be laid squarely at the feet of Hamas. We hear frequently that Israel’s actions were an imperative needed to rid the world of the evil of Hamas.

Since so many of the myths perpetuated about October 7 have been debunked and proven untrue (40 decapitated babies, widespread systematic rapes, and the burning of babies) it is important that we know what actually did happen.

My own observations and research on that question run contrary to the popular narrative. It is important to start with the qualification that I am a pacifist and do not think violence is ever the proper response. However, under international law, an oppressed people has the right to resort to armed struggle, provided it is aimed at combatants, not civilians. However, I personally do not believe violence is the proper or effective way for Palestinians to resist, and I must insist that nonviolence is our best method.

Having said that, it needs to be stated that what happened on October 7 was first and foremost a brilliant military operation. On that day, the severely under-resourced forces of Hamas, using largely handheld weapons and homemade explosives, effectively penetrated the high-tech walls and fences surrounding them. In over 40 places, Hamas fighters simultaneously breached the fence, attacked and captured two or three army bases, killed over 340 soldiers (by Israeli reports), captured over 40 additional soldiers, and took them to Gaza to use them for prisoner exchange. In addition, Hamas’ attacks caused the collapse of the entire Israeli security system surrounding Gaza, leaving its borders open for angry Palestinian mobs to attack the surrounding Israeli kibbutzim and communities.

In addition to the legal military actions, Hamas also attacked civilians at a music festival that was held about a mile from their enclave. They also overran a number of Israeli civilian settlements killing residents, and captured about 200 civilians as hostages. Such attacks on civilians and the taking of civilian hostages is clearly contrary to international law and cannot be justified, particularly since among the hostages were elderly people and children who could not be considered combatants under any circumstances. These civilians should have been immediately released without any conditions.  In addition, it must be noted, Hamas fired a barrage of primitive rockets at primarily civilian targets, which is also illegal under international law. .

The stunned Israeli forces failed to provide protection to these communities or secure their borders. Instead, under the Hannibal Directive, in order to prevent the taking of hostages back into Gaza, they carried out numerous attacks, mostly by helicopters and tanks. These deadly attacks burned all vehicles moving back towards Gaza. Israel also carried out attacks in the kibbutzim where hostages were being held, killing both Palestinian attackers and Israeli hostages. These attacks killed so many people that the numbers of actual Israeli casualties had to be revised from 1400 to less than 1200, since many bodies had been burnt beyond recognition. It was later discovered that these victims were not in fact Israeli civilians or soldiers, but Palestinians. A recent report said that 28 Israeli helicopter gunships used up all their ammunition and had to return to reload that day.

Every person killed on that day is a universe unto themselves and such deaths are truly to be mourned, whether soldiers or civilians. Their deaths were the direct results of Hamas’ attack, even if it was Israeli soldiers who actually killed them under the Hannibal Directive. Likewise, the terrifying experience of being captured and held captive for political reasons is never acceptable or justifiable anywhere, anytime.  However, I still believe these corrections to the popular narrative are necessary.

Although horrible and unspeakable, false narratives of exaggerated crimes by Hamas, and uncertainty about how many of the Israeli civilians were killed by Palestinian mobs or Israeli forces needs to be further investigated.  This is especially true since the behavior of Hamas has been viewed and condemned as barbaric, and is proclaimed to be integral to Hamas’ identity and character. These claims are aimed at justifying the demonization of, and subsequent attempts to destroy Hamas. Anything, including civilian structures, institutions, events, and people alleged to be associated with Hamas in any way were thus proclaimed to be legitimate targets for destruction and annihilation. 

What also happened on October 7 was the traumatic collapse of Israel’s vaunted security arrangements, its intelligence apparatus, its constant surveillance, its military doctrine, and its deterrence. The attack triggered past traumas from centuries of antisemitic persecution and the Holocaust, evoking fears of the destruction of Jewish life in Palestine, akin to the destruction of the First and Second Temples. It also triggered fears akin to every settler-colonial movement of the “revolt of the natives.” All these fears and traumas were triggered by October 7, and in many ways enabled the massive and totally disproportionate genocidal response. October 7 was not viewed as another episode in the ongoing conflict with the Palestinians, but as an existential event pertaining to the very survival of the state of Israel and the Jewish people as a whole.

Part 3: What has been happening since that fateful day?

Right after October 7, and under the intense trauma of that day which has not yet dissipated, Israel announced a number of fateful decisions that continue to govern its behavior to this day, a full year later:

1. Israel announced that there were no longer any restraints or red lines for military violence. If there was ever actually any respect for rules, standards, regulations, international law, or international public opinion, these were no longer operative. In light of what happened on October 7, everything was allowed, and in fact required, to avenge that defeat and “ensure it never happens again”.

2. Genocidal language and actions were now the order of the day. Gaza had to be “wiped out” and leveled to the ground. They were “Amalek” (a Biblical reference to a tribe King Saul was ordered to annihilate: men, women, children, and animals, without mercy.) They were announced to be “human animals” and would be treated as such. “They” clearly referred to all Gazans, (and subsequently, others as well). Israel justified cutting off their water, food, fuel, and medical supplies. These statements and actions were carried out at the very highest level and repeated by various officials and leaders: From the Prime Minister, the President of Israel, to the Defense Minister, to journalists and pundits. Violence against Palestinians in Gaza was, and is, celebrated by some Israeli soldiers proclaiming their crimes on their social media accounts. These statements seem to accurately reflect overwhelming sentiment in Jewish Israeli society.

3. The important distinctions between civilian and military, combatants and non-combatants, were completely erased. This was accomplished with a variety of excuses, first ignoring Hamas’ political and civil institutions and organizations, then making the claim that Hamas was embedded in the civilian population and used their own civilians as “human shields.” These excuses continued with bogus claims that military command centers were located under hospitals, universities, mosques, and other civilian structures. By always claiming, without proof, that they have accurate intelligence information, Israel totally erased the distinction between civilian life and military targets. Preventing access by independent foreign journalists while hunting down local journalists made the message clear: Israel’s version of events was not to be challenged or fact-checked. It should be noted that detailed investigations following the 2008-2009 and 2014 conflicts by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations Human Rights Council, have failed to find a single documented case of any civilian deaths caused by Hamas using human shields. 

4. The full power of destructive weapons and advanced technology was used against the whole population in Gaza. 2000-pound bombs were dropped in the midst of a densely-populated area, and even on tent encampments, with horrendous results. Artificial Intelligence (A.I.) programs such as Lavender were used to provide algorithms that generated a bank of hundreds of “targets” daily which could be destroyed with missiles, artillery, armed drones, quad-copters, and tanks, usually from afar. They were enhanced by such cruel A.I. programs as Daddy’s Home to ensure that whole families of “targets” would also be wiped out. 

5. Populations were ordered to move around, leave their homes en masse, on short notice, and be crowded into smaller and smaller “safe areas” which were in turn bombed and attacked. There seemed to be no limit or restraint on the violence used. This same tactic is now being used in Lebanon. On Wednesday, October 2nd, Israel “ordered” the evacuation of 30 towns and villages in Lebanon, including villages north of the Litani River and Nabatiyyah, the 6th largest city in Lebanon. Those who refused to move were told they would be presumed to be terrorists or sympathizers and risked being shot or bombed just for staying in their homes. 

6. Powerful friends abroad, particularly politicians and media in the United States, were enlisted to support the Israeli narrative. These powerful figures sought to prevent and fight calls for ceasefire and de-escalation, protect and provide impunity against international accountability for Israel, and label all those who tried to challenge Israel and its actions as enemies and antisemites.

7. Goals were announced for the military campaign, such as “total victory” and the utter destruction of Hamas and its governing structures, that were impossible to realize and that ensured that the war would continue almost indefinitely. What Israel initially announced would last a few weeks has continued for one year, and there is no end in sight. Running out of ammunition, which occurred in the first few weeks, was remedied by an apparently limitless resupply from the United States, and a commitment to continue doing so. 

8. Worst of all, the very thought of peace and resolution of the conflict with Palestinians was removed entirely from the conversation.  A full year after October 7, there is no discussion of resolving the Palestinian Question. On July 18, the Israeli Knesset overwhelmingly rejected any possibility for a future Palestinian state. No peace process, no negotiations, no vision of anything other than continuing conflict and reliance on military power alone. The issue for Israel is no longer fear of expanding the conflict, but seeking ways to ensure that it expands and escalates further. Beginning on October, 8, the current government made a fatal choice for Israel: it will live by the sword, and it may end up dying by the sword. 

On October 7, I thought naively that the horrible events of that day may offer an opening for direct negotiations between Hamas and Israel, where parties could exchange hostages and prisoners and begin a genuine conversation about a lasting, just peace. I also thought that the utter collapse of the High-Tech Wall and of Israel’s “security doctrine” could lead to a re-evaluation of militarism and a move towards diplomacy, and reconciliation. I was very wrong. Instead, we saw a doubling down on military solutions, a determination to use power and more power, a rejection of all calls for ceasefire, de-escalation, and negotiations, a shrinking of the Israeli “peace camp,” and a grim, vengeful determination to use overwhelming force and force alone. The principles established by Israel on October 8 are now the principles that guide it in Gaza, Lebanon, the West Bank, and perhaps also Iran and elsewhere. 

The saddest thing about the current situation is that all parties are now thinking only in military terms.  No one is thinking of “what makes for peace,” but only about how to inflict greater pain, loss and destruction on the other side.

Those of us who care about justice and peace, who care about Palestinians, Israelis, Lebanese, and other human beings need to break out of the paradigm being imposed on us by one interpretation of October 7, and return to basic principles:  Justice, fairness, human rights, international law, and seeking that which makes for peace, rather than war.  We must find a way, with a commitment to active nonviolence, to maintain our hope in a better future for all, rather than despair, despondency, and surrender to the dark logic of violence and hatred.